A Picture Worth a Thousand Words - by Rolf A. F. Witzsche


National Action 

(part 2)

Dynamics of Revolution and Betrayal

Mass Strike 

Ilya Yefimovich Repin
-1907-1911 - Demonstration on October 17, 1905.

(Example Russia)


The Russian revolution began with a mass strike. On November 30, 1904, the Moscow City Duma passed a resolution, demanding the establishment of an elected national legislature, the full freedom of the press and freedom of religion. Similar resolutions and appeals from other city dumas and local councils followed.

Nicholas II made a move to fulfill many of these demands. On 12 December 1904, the Tsar issued a manifesto promising the broadening of the local and municipal councils' authority, providing insurance for the industrial workers, the emancipation of the non-Slavic population of the Empire and the abolition of censorship. Still, the crucial point of a representative national legislature was missing in the manifesto.

In December 1904, a strike occurred at the Putilov plant in Saint Petersburg. Sympathy strikes in other parts of the city raised the number of strikers above 80,000. A controversial Orthodox priest, George Gapon, how headed a police-sponsored workers' association, led a huge workers' procession to the Winter Palace to deliver a petition to the Tsar on a Sunday in January of 1905. Troops were guarding the Winter Palace. They had been ordered to not let the demonstrators pass a certain point. In the confrontation they opened fire.  200  to 1000 were killed. The event became known as Bloody Sunday. This action is considered as the start of a brewing revolution in Russia that soon became a national tragedy. The tragedy could have been avoided.

In response to the uprising, on October 14, 1905, the famous October Manifesto was written by Sergei Witte (Russia's most prominent political leader) and Alexis Obolenskii. It was presented to the Tsar, and in its design it closely followed the popular demands granting basic civil rights, allowing the formation of political parties, extending the franchise towards universal suffrage, and establishing the Duma as the central legislative body. The Tsar regretted signing the document, saying that he felt "sick with shame at this betrayal of the dynasty... the betrayal was complete". The Tsar's concession led to the establishment of a limited constitutional monarchy, the State Duma of the Russian Empire, the Russian multi-party system, and later the Russian Constitution of 1906

While the Russian liberals were satisfied by the October Manifesto and made preparations for the upcoming Dumas elections, radical socialists and revolutionaries denounced the elections and called for an armed uprising to "finish off the tsarism" which exploded and ended with a grand display of madness in December in Moscow where a general strike had been called by the Russian worker class and government sent in troops on December 7. A bitter street-by-street fight began. A week later a regiment was deployed that used artillery to break-up demonstrations and shell the workers' districts. It ended in mid December with around a thousand people dead and parts of the city in ruins. By April 1906, more than 14,000 people were executed and 75,000 were thrown in prison.

The first elections to the Duma took place in March 1906 and were boycotted by the socialists and the Bolsheviks who where committed revolutionary actions by force of arms. In the First Duma there were 170 Kadets (imperial liberals), 90 Trudoviks (Labour - Toilers or Labourists), 100 non-aligned peasant representatives, 63 nationalists of various hues, and 16 Octobrists (Union of Land-Owners). 

With it came a decline in mass movements, strikes, political demonstrations, but a continuing rise in political terrorism. The Social Revolutionary Combat Organization, PPS Combat organization and Bolshevik combat groups carried out numerous assassinations, targeting civil servants and police, and staging robberies. Between 1906 and 1909 revolutionaries had killed 7,293 people, of whom 2,640 were officials, and wounded 8,061. Not surpringly, these early years of revolution were also marked by a dramatic rise of politically motivated death sentences and executions.
 (see: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/1905_Russian_Revolution)

The big tragedy that came later. It was developing from this background.


The Bolsheviks, founded by Vladimir Lenin, were an organization of professional revolutionaries. They started as a faction of the Marxist Russian Social Democratic Labour Party, which split apart from the Menshevik faction at the Second Party Congress held in Brussels and London during August 1903. The Bolsheviks were the "Maximalist" faction of the Marxian ideology, with the Mensheviks being considered the "Minimalists." The key factor here is the Communist ideology of Marx and Engels that was developed in London with the 'guiding hand' of the masters of empire at the time who were aiming to build a world empire. This historic key factor was clearly pointed out by Stalin in 1952 when he said at the XIX Party Congress, "There are no more Mensheviks. Why should we call ourselves Bolsheviks? We are not the majority, but the whole party." According to his suggestion, the Bolshevik party was renamed, the Communist Party of Soviet Union. 

Thus the key factor in all that surrounds Bolshevism is the Communist ideology of Marx and Engels that was developed in London in the ideology workshop of the masters of empire. It bears its trademark. Its trademark is force, its name is war. War is the calling card of empire. The goal is to destabilize whatever stands against it, divide it from within, and let the factions bleed themselves to death. This applies to nations as to the world. The Bolsheviks were the carriers of this sword.

Karl Heinrich Marx (1818 – 1883) was a German who is honored with the title philosopher, political economist, historian, political theorist, sociologist, communist, and revolutionary, whose ideas are credited as the foundation of modern communism. But this front is set up to really hide the core issue which is ideological guidance by the masters of empire who used a willing fool for their ends. Marx really couldn't hide the 'breath of empire' in his work, when he summarized his approach in the first line of the opening chapter of  "The Communist Manifesto", published in 1848, stating, "The history of all hitherto existing society is the history of class struggles." He defines the very opposite of a renaissance, the cultural force that every master of empire has feared as far back in time as empires go. He lived in London when he wrote is famous multi-volume book, Das Kapital, that further shaped the communist ideology. Marx's ties to the ruling elite of the British Empire is evident when refers in letters to Lord Palmerston, the head of the empire, affectionally as, Pam.

Friedrich Engels (1820 – 1895) lining in Manchester for some time, was a German who is similarly honored as a social scientist, author, political theorist, philosopher, and father of communist theory, alongside Karl Marx. It is said that he, together with Mark, wrote The Communist Manifesto, published in 1848. Engels had met Marx at the office of the Rheinische Zeitung in 1842. He had gone to Paris to show Marx his recently published book, The Condition of the Working Class in England in 1844. This book convinced Marx that the working class would be the agent and instrument of the final revolution in history.

Karl Marx was far from being an economist, but a controlled agent with a pliable background perception that could be used for the larger games of empire. 

LaRouche points out the "central common incompetence of both Karl Marx's economics, and the British Haileybury School dogma s from which Marx, much aided by his British intelligence patron, David Urquhart, and, thus, also influenced by the writings of the satanic, Physiocrat madman Dr. François Quesnay, constructed his own reductionist doctrine of economics. This is the same principle of radical-positivist irrationalism central to the economic-theoretical, brain-theory, and related systems-analysis dogmas of Bertrand Russell devotees Norbert Wiener ("information theory") and John von Neumann ("mathematical economics"). Discounting for external factors, such as pressures for war-economy, the issues posed thus, are key to understanding the axiomatic root, and post-Soviet relevance of the failures of Soviet economic doctrine and related philosophy of practice." LaRouch writes, "When Karl Marx first encountered David Urquhart in the London British Library, Urquhart had been a key British Foreign Service operative deployed into Transcaucasus and the Balkans (see EIR, April 12, 1996, "The British Monarchy Rapes Transcaucasus, Again"). Urquhart's connection to Marx came about through the former's function as an administrative figure in those British Foreign Service operations coordinating the Young Europe and Young America terrorists operating under the direction of Lord Palmerston's London-based agent, and control agent for Marx, Giuseppe Mazzini. Thus, Marx was drawn into playing the part of Urquhart's pawn..."

When seen in this context the famous writings of Marx and Engels were obviously not independent scholarly creations, but products of a deep-reaching psychological warfare operation that the unwitting idealists became victims of, and later Russia that was the intended victim.

Marx and Engels the angels of the fist

The communist ideology of armed-struggle 
became Russia's tragedy

Vladimir Ilyich Lenin (1870 – 1924) practiced law for a few years, mostly land-ownership cases, from which he derived his political insight into the Russian peasants' socio-economic condition. In 1893, he moved to St Petersburg, and practiced revolutionary propaganda. In 1895, he founded the League of Struggle for the Emancipation of the Working Class, the consolidation of the city's Marxist groups; as an embryonic revolutionary party. The League was active among the Russian labor organizations. On 7 December 1895, Lenin was arrested for plotting against Tsar Alexander III, and was imprisoned for fourteen months in solitary confinement. In February 1897, he was exiled to eastern Siberia, where he met Georgy Plekhanov, the Marxist who introduced socialism to Russia. In July 1898, Lenin married the socialist activist Nadezhda Krupskaya, and, in April 1899, he pseudonymously published the book The Development of Capitalism in Russia (1899), one of the thirty theoretical works he wrote in exile.

After the end of his exile in 1900, Lenin traveled Russia and Europe (Munich, Prague, Vienna, Manchester and London), and resided in Zurich, where he worked as a Geneva University lecturer. In the mean time, 1903, the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party split into the Bolshevik and the Menshevik factions. The break partly originated from Lenin's book What Is to Be Done? (1901–02), which proposed a smaller party organization of professional revolutionaries. 

Lenin returned to Russia to support the 1905 Russian Revolution. 


In 1906, he was elected to the Presidium of the RSDLP; and shuttled between Finland and Russia, but resumed his exile in December 1907, after the Tsarist defeat of the November Revolution. He lived in Western Europe, where, despite relative poverty, he developed "Leninism" a kind of urban Marxism adapted to agrarian Russia, reversing Karl Marx’s the economics–politics prescription, to allow for a dynamic revolution to be led by a vanguard party of professional revolutionaries.

At the start of 1917 Russia was ripe for revolution. The growing industrialization had overcrowded the cities, working conditions were poor, food increasingly scarce. Also the war (WW I) went badly. By the end of October 1916, Russia had lost between 1,600,000 and 1,800,000 soldiers, with an additional 2,000,000 prisoners of war and 1,000,000 missing, all making up a total of nearly 5,000,000 men.

These staggering losses played a definite role in the mutinies that began to occur and reports of fraternizing with the enemy started to circulate. Soldiers went hungry, lacked shoes, munitions, and even weapons. Rampant discontent lowered morale, which was further undermined by a series of military defeats. In February 1917 revolution broke out , but without definite leadership and any formal plans. The Russian people simply had enough of the existing system. Large numbers of men and women were on strike, and the women stopped at any still-operating factories to call on their workers to join them. The mobs marched through the streets, with cries of "Bread!" and "Give us bread!" By 25 February, virtually every industrial enterprise in had St Petersburg been shut down, together with many commercial and service enterprises. Students, white-collar workers and teachers joined the workers in the streets and at public meetings. On the morning of the 27th, workers in the streets, many of them now armed, were joined by soldiers, sent in by the government to quell the riots. Many of these soldiers were insurgents, however, and they joined the crowd and fired on the police, in many cases little red ribbons tied to their bayonets. The outnumbered police then proceeded to join the army and civilians in their rampage. Thus, with this near-total disintegration of military power in the capital, effective civil authority collapsed. Tsar Nicholas accepted defeat at last and abdicated on 13 March. A minority of the Duma's deputies declared themselves a Provisional Government, chaired by Prince Lvov, a moderate reformist, although leadership moved gradually to Alexander Kerensky of the Social Revolutionary Party.

Lenin returned to Petrograd in April 1917, to assume command of the Bolsheviks, calling for uncompromising opposition to the Provisional Government.  

Petrograd, 18 June 1917.

"Down With The 10 Capitalist Ministers - All Power To The Soviets Of Workers', Soldiers', And Peasants' Deputies, and To The Socialist Ministers - We Demand That Nicholas II Be Transferred To The Peter-Paul Fortress," read the poster. On 18 June, the Provisional Government launched an attack against Germany that failed miserably. Soon after, the government ordered soldiers to go to the front, reneging on a promise. The soldiers refused to follow the new orders. The sailors and soldiers, along with Petrograd workers, took to the streets in violent protest, calling for "all power to the Soviets." On July 1st about 500,000 workers and soldiers in Petrograd demonstrated, again demanding “all power to the soviets,” “down with the war,” and “down with the ten capitalist ministers.” The revolt, however, failed.

Petrograd, 4 July 1917.

In the aftermath, Lenin fled to Finland under threat of arrest while Trotsky, among other prominent Bolsheviks, was arrested. Lenin returned on October by ship from New York, heavily financed through the Rothschild financial empire, and with a group of well-trained revolutionaries.

In September and October 1917, there were strikes by the Moscow and Petrograd workers, the miners of the Donbas, the metalworkers of the Urals, the oil workers of Baku, the textile workers of the Central Industrial Region, and the railroad workers on 44 different railway lines. In these months alone more than a million workers took part in mass strike action. Workers established control over production and distribution in many factories and plants in a social revolution.By October 1917 there had been over four thousand peasant uprisings against landowners.

By October 1917 there had been over four thousand peasant uprisings against landowners. The actual revolution on Oct. 25, was little more than an amateur coup. It did not interfere with the evening life of the city. The ministers in the Winter Palace dined on soup, fish and artichokes and then ordered all the lights to be put out. Meanwhile, the Bolshevik-manned battleship Aurora, moored on the Neva. The ship was ordered to open fire on the Palace when a red light was shone from the Peter and Paul Fortress. However, since the cruiser was fresh out of the dockyards it had only blank ammunition on board. Anyway, the fortress garrison could not find a red light but eventually a purple flare was launched and the Aurora began to fire its blanks. The cadets at the Palace opened fire with their machine guns but it was several minutes before they realized that no bombs were falling. At 11 PM, the six-inch guns of the Peter and Paul Fortress began to fire rounds at the 1500-room Winter Palace. One shell missed by several hundred yards; another hit but did little damage. Most shells fell into the Neva. Meanwhile, the Ministers took naps. In a period of two hours, the Bolsheviks fired thirty-five shells at the Winter Palace: only two shells found their mark and according to Trotsky, did little more than "injure the plaster." At 2 AM on October 26th, a friend called on the Justice Minister Malyantovich to ask how he was. "Not bad. In cheerful spirits," he replied. He lay back and tried to sleep but soon he began to hear noises. The ministers grabbed their coats. A cadet rushed in and asked "What are the orders of the government? To fight to the last man?" Wearily, the ministers shouted back, "It's not necessary. It's useless. No bloodshed!" Just then a mob of Bolsheviks crowded into the room. One man stood at the front and shouted: "I inform you, all you members of the Provisional Government, that you are arrested. I am Antonov-Ovseenko, a representative of the Military Revolutionary Committee." Petrograd had fallen to the Bolsheviks. (See: http://www.historyguide.org/Europe/lecture6.html

This ended the revolution that changed the world. The bloody mess came later.

The Russian Civil War 1917-1923

The Russian Civil War was a multi-party war that occurred within the former Russian Empire, after the Russian provisional government collapsed, and the Soviets under the domination of the Bolshevik party assumed power, first in Petrograd (St. Petersburg) and then in other places. Here unfolded the real color of the nature of empire that had bread both the revolutionary doctrine and provided the financing for the revolution, with the goal to destabilize and explode Russia from within - an age old strategy of empire going back to Peloponnesian war. It worked again in Russia. In the background of this revolution it was easy to find interested enemies.

The principal fighting occurred between the Bolshevik Red Army, often in temporary alliance with other leftist pro-revolutionary groups, against the forces of the White Army, the loosely-allied anti-Bolshevik forces. Many foreign armies also warred against the Red Army, notably the Allied Forces, and many volunteer foreigners fought in both sides of the Russian Civil War. Other nationalist and regional political groups also participated in the war, including the Ukrainian nationalist Green Army, the Ukrainian anarchist Black Army and Black Guards, and warlords such as Ungern von Sternberg.

The results of the civil war were horrendous. Russia had been at war for seven years, during which time some 20,000,000 of its people had lost their lives. The civil war had taken an estimated 15,000,000 of them, including at least 1,000,000 soldiers of the Russian Red Army and more than 500,000 White soldiers who died in battle. Semyonov alone killed 100,000 men, women and children in the regions where he held authority. During the Red Terror, the Cheka carried out an estimated 250,000 summary executions of "enemies of the people." Some 300,000 to 500,000 Cossacks were killed or deported during Decossackization, out of a population of around three million. An estimated 100,000 Jews were killed in Ukraine, mostly by the White Army. Punitive organizations of the "All Great Don Host" sentenced 25,000 people to death between May 1918 to January 1919. Kolchak's Government shot 25,000 people in Ekaterinburg province alone.

At the end of the Civil War, the Russia was exhausted and near ruin. The droughts of 1920 and 1921, as well as the 1921 famine, worsened the disaster still further. Disease had reached pandemic proportions, with 3,000,000 dying of typhus alone in 1920. Millions more were also killed by widespread starvation, wholesale massacres by both sides, and pogroms against Jews in Ukraine and southern Russia. By 1922 there were at least 7,000,000 street children in Russia as a result of nearly a decade of devastation from World War I and the civil war.

Two million people, known as the White emigres, fled Russia — many with General Wrangel, some through the Far East, others fled west into the newly independent Baltic countries. These émigrés included a large part of the educated and skilled population of Russia.

The Russian economy was devastated by the war, with factories and bridges destroyed, cattle and raw materials pillaged, mines flooded, and machines damaged. The industrial production value descended to one seventh of the value of 1913, and agriculture to one third. According to Pravda, "The workers of the towns and some of the villages choke in the throes of hunger. The railways barely crawl. The houses are crumbling. The towns are full of refuse. Epidemics spread and death strikes -- industry is ruined." (See: The Russian Civil War)

Only one force in the entire cacophony of madness had realized its goal, the force that had started it all in the first place, the psychological warfare force of the masters of empire. But even it, didn't really win, because Lenin, one of the trained stooges of the lot had so well embraced the empire ideology of world-domination that he had developed plans of his own for what he felt was an inevitable communist world-revolution erupting around the world.

No doubt the revolutionary years in Russia were years of great debates, complete with orchestrated counter-ideologies, with countless hopes kindled and countless hopes destroyed along the way. It is doubtful, however, that anything of real substance was debated, since the ideological front was too tightly controlled almost from the start, with too many self-interests playing their own game. This is also why the revolution succeeded. Nobody had a viable plan for advancing the economic well-being that had any hope of succeeding in real physical economic terms. Nobody had a renaissance plan and a plan for the economic development of the nation. When Lenin returned to Russia for the October Revolution, the country was dying. The provision government didn't have the faintest idea of how to reverse the crisis. Lenin commented later that power was literally laying on the street. He picked it up and ran with it. But he too didn't have the intellectual depth to create a renaissance revolution. Creating an armed revolution is dangerous social quackery. Most of the revolutionaries who cried, "Power to the people" didn't know what to do with it once they had it. Few people, if any, did not realize that a revolution can only succeed when it begins at a higher level than that on which the problems are located that it aims to cure. This fundamental principle is even now but faintly understood and by far too few.

The tragedy of society is rooted in that it fails to uplift itself. This is why empires rule and armed uprisings happen, and huge suffering follows to the point that entire countries collapse. Russia is a painful example that one cannot build a nation on the sword. The sword may gain access to power, but civilization cannot be build on it. The sword that one sows is the sword that one reaps. Civilization can only be build on the renaissance principle, and for this to be possible this principle has to be at the root from the start. Russia realized this far too late when it finally laid aside the sword for the tool, and this only hesitantly, while it never really embraced the renaissance principle, the only principle for civilization that exists. For this lack Russia remains a country divided against itself, looking in all directions except the one that can give it peace and prosperity. 

Of the repertoire of classical music that I know, one work stands out that illustrates this multifaceted struggle that Russia went through, and is still going through, and which is the default state when the escape of society to higher levels of perception, out of a collapsing environment, is not possible. This work is Carmina Burana, a scenic cantata composed by Carl Orff between 1935 and 1936. It is based on 24 of the poems that are found in the medieval collection Carmina Burana, from a time before the principle of renaissance had ruled in Europe. It is a choral peace of multifaceted dialog of contrasting themes, performed with two pianos and two violins. It contains no rousing or diabolical message, or any message whatsoever. In this it is a paradox, in as much as is a revolution without a higher-level footing a paradox, by embracing the cause it aims to cure. This paradox makes the music valuable in the context of the dynamics of politics and revolution.


Carmina Burana

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- link to source -


The only alternative that exists to chaotic revolution is the universal-principles oriented revolution that unfolds into a humanist renaissance. And the potential for this revolution to happen is as relevant today as it has ever been.

The Renaissance Principle isn't profound, because it is old.


Rembrandt - The Girl in a Picture Frame, 1641

 It is profound, because it reflects the human Soul. 

The Renaissance Principle reflects its beauty and all the colors of the common strength, and power, and aims of man. Let me present a peace of music that reflects this principle, which is singular but has countless expressions. Here is one expression. Allow me to present Beethoven's Appassionato Sonata.


The Appassionato Sonata

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 performed by Rachel Jiménez - pianist (more samples available)

The song of the human soul has had a long expression in American history. Though much of this has been lost sight of, its essence remains valid today as a profound example for our modern time.


The four parts of this presentation are:

Part 1 - The Common Aims of all Mankind

Part 2 - Dynamics of Revolution and Betrayal

Part 3 - Celebrating the Inevitable Destiny of Empire

Part 4 - A Dawn for Mankind is Unfolding - the New Song

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