Russian revolution began with a mass strike. On November 30, 1904, the Moscow City Duma passed a resolution, demanding
the establishment of an elected national legislature, the full freedom of the press and freedom of religion. Similar resolutions and appeals from other city dumas and
local councils followed.
Nicholas II made a move to fulfill many of these demands. On 12 December 1904, the Tsar issued a manifesto promising the broadening of the
local and municipal councils' authority, providing insurance for the industrial workers, the emancipation of
the non-Slavic population of the Empire and the abolition of censorship. Still, the crucial point of
a representative national legislature was missing in the manifesto.
In December 1904, a strike occurred at the Putilov plant in Saint Petersburg. Sympathy strikes in other parts of the city raised the number of strikers above 80,000.
A controversial Orthodox priest, George Gapon, how headed a police-sponsored workers' association, led a huge workers' procession to the Winter Palace to deliver a petition to the Tsar on
a Sunday in January of 1905. Troops were guarding the Winter Palace. They
had been ordered to not let the demonstrators pass a certain point. In the
confrontation they opened fire. 200 to 1000 were killed. The event became known as Bloody
Sunday. This action is considered as the start of a brewing revolution in
Russia that soon became a national tragedy. The tragedy could have been
In response to the uprising, on October 14, 1905, the
famous October Manifesto was written by Sergei Witte (Russia's most
prominent political leader) and Alexis Obolenskii. It was presented to the
Tsar, and in its design it closely followed the popular demands granting
basic civil rights, allowing the formation of political parties, extending
the franchise towards universal suffrage, and establishing the Duma as the central
legislative body. The Tsar regretted signing the document, saying that he
felt "sick with shame at this betrayal of the dynasty... the betrayal
was complete". The Tsar's concession led to the establishment of a
monarchy, the State
Duma of the Russian Empire, the Russian multi-party
system, and later the Russian
Constitution of 1906.
While the Russian liberals were satisfied by the October Manifesto and made preparations for the upcoming Dumas
elections, radical socialists and revolutionaries denounced the elections
and called for an armed uprising to "finish off the tsarism"
which exploded and ended with a grand display of madness in December in
Moscow where a general strike had been called by the Russian worker class
and government sent in troops on December 7. A bitter street-by-street
fight began. A week later a regiment was deployed that used artillery to
break-up demonstrations and shell the workers' districts. It ended in mid
December with around a thousand people dead and parts of the city in ruins.
By April 1906, more than 14,000 people were executed and 75,000 were
thrown in prison.
The first elections to the Duma took place in March
1906 and were boycotted by the socialists and the Bolsheviks who where
committed revolutionary actions by force of arms. In the First Duma there
were 170 Kadets (imperial liberals), 90 Trudoviks (Labour - Toilers or
Labourists), 100 non-aligned peasant representatives, 63 nationalists of
various hues, and 16 Octobrists (Union of Land-Owners).
With it came a decline in mass movements, strikes,
political demonstrations, but a continuing rise in political terrorism.
The Social Revolutionary Combat Organization, PPS
Combat organization and Bolshevik combat groups carried out numerous
assassinations, targeting civil servants and police, and staging
robberies. Between 1906 and 1909 revolutionaries had killed 7,293 people,
of whom 2,640 were officials, and wounded 8,061. Not surpringly, these
early years of revolution were also marked by a dramatic rise of
politically motivated death sentences and executions.
The big tragedy that came later. It was developing
from this background.
The Bolsheviks, founded by Vladimir Lenin, were an organization of professional revolutionaries. They started as a faction of the Marxist Russian Social Democratic Labour Party, which split apart from the Menshevik faction at the Second Party Congress held in Brussels and London during August 1903.
The Bolsheviks were the "Maximalist" faction of the Marxian ideology,
with the Mensheviks being considered the "Minimalists." The key
factor here is the Communist ideology of Marx and Engels that was
developed in London with the 'guiding hand' of the masters of empire at
the time who were aiming to build a world empire. This historic key factor
was clearly pointed out by Stalin in 1952 when he said at the XIX Party
Congress, "There are no more Mensheviks. Why should we call ourselves
Bolsheviks? We are not the majority, but the whole party." According
to his suggestion, the Bolshevik party was renamed, the Communist Party of
Thus the key factor in all that surrounds Bolshevism
is the Communist ideology of Marx and Engels that was developed in London
in the ideology workshop of the masters of empire. It bears its trademark.
Its trademark is force, its name is war. War is the calling card of
empire. The goal is to destabilize whatever stands against it, divide it
from within, and let the factions bleed themselves to death. This applies
to nations as to the world. The Bolsheviks were the carriers of this
Karl Heinrich Marx
(1818 – 1883) was a German who is honored with the title philosopher, political economist, historian, political theorist, sociologist, communist, and revolutionary, whose ideas are credited as the foundation of modern communism.
But this front is set up to really hide the core issue which is
ideological guidance by the masters of empire who used a willing fool for
their ends. Marx really couldn't hide the 'breath of empire' in his work,
when he summarized his approach in the first line of the opening chapter of
"The Communist Manifesto", published in 1848, stating, "The history of all hitherto existing society is the history of class struggles."
He defines the very opposite of a renaissance, the cultural force that
every master of empire has feared as far back in time as empires go. He
lived in London when he wrote is famous multi-volume book, Das Kapital,
that further shaped the communist ideology. Marx's ties to the ruling
elite of the British Empire is evident when refers in letters to Lord
Palmerston, the head of the empire, affectionally as, Pam.
Engels (1820 – 1895) lining in Manchester for some time, was a
German who is similarly honored as a social scientist, author, political theorist, philosopher, and father of communist theory, alongside Karl Marx.
It is said that he, together with Mark, wrote The Communist Manifesto,
published in 1848. Engels had met Marx at the office of the Rheinische
Zeitung in 1842. He had gone to Paris to show Marx his recently published
Condition of the Working Class in England in 1844. This book convinced
Marx that the working class would be the agent and instrument of the final
revolution in history.
Karl Marx was far from being an economist, but a
controlled agent with a pliable background perception that could be used
for the larger games of empire.
points out the "central common incompetence of both Karl Marx's
economics, and the British Haileybury School dogma s from which Marx,
much aided by his British intelligence patron, David Urquhart, and,
thus, also influenced by the writings of the satanic, Physiocrat madman
Dr. François Quesnay, constructed his own reductionist doctrine of
economics. This is the same principle of radical-positivist
irrationalism central to the economic-theoretical, brain-theory, and
related systems-analysis dogmas of Bertrand Russell devotees Norbert
Wiener ("information theory") and John von Neumann
("mathematical economics"). Discounting for external factors,
such as pressures for war-economy, the issues posed thus, are key to
understanding the axiomatic root, and post-Soviet relevance of the
failures of Soviet economic doctrine and related philosophy of
practice." LaRouch writes, "When Karl Marx first encountered David Urquhart in the London British Library, Urquhart had been a key British Foreign Service operative deployed into Transcaucasus and the Balkans (see EIR, April 12, 1996, "The British Monarchy Rapes Transcaucasus, Again"). Urquhart's connection to Marx came about through the former's function as an administrative figure in those British Foreign Service operations coordinating the Young Europe and Young America terrorists operating under the direction of Lord Palmerston's London-based agent, and control agent for Marx, Giuseppe Mazzini. Thus, Marx was drawn into playing the part of Urquhart's pawn..."
When seen in this context the famous writings of Marx
and Engels were obviously not independent scholarly creations, but
products of a deep-reaching psychological warfare operation that the
unwitting idealists became victims of, and later Russia that was the
Marx and Engels
the angels of the fist
communist ideology of armed-struggle
became Russia's tragedy
Ilyich Lenin (1870 – 1924) practiced law for a few years, mostly
land-ownership cases, from which he derived his political insight into the
Russian peasants' socio-economic condition. In 1893, he moved to St Petersburg, and practiced revolutionary
propaganda. In 1895, he founded the League of Struggle for the
Emancipation of the Working Class, the consolidation of the city's Marxist
groups; as an embryonic revolutionary party. The League was active among
the Russian labor organizations. On 7 December 1895, Lenin was arrested
for plotting against Tsar Alexander III, and was imprisoned for fourteen
months in solitary confinement. In February 1897, he was exiled to eastern
Siberia, where he met Georgy Plekhanov, the Marxist who introduced socialism
to Russia. In July 1898, Lenin married the socialist activist Nadezhda Krupskaya, and, in April 1899, he pseudonymously
published the book The
Development of Capitalism in Russia (1899), one of the thirty
theoretical works he wrote in exile.
After the end of his exile in 1900, Lenin traveled Russia and Europe (Munich, Prague, Vienna, Manchester and
London), and resided in Zurich, where he worked as a Geneva University lecturer.
In the mean time, 1903, the Russian
Social Democratic Labour Party split into the Bolshevik
and the Menshevik
factions. The break partly originated from Lenin's book What Is to Be Done? (1901–02), which proposed a smaller
party organization of professional revolutionaries.
Lenin returned to Russia to support the 1905 Russian
In 1906, he was elected to the Presidium of the RSDLP; and shuttled between Finland and Russia, but resumed his exile in December 1907, after the Tsarist defeat of the November
Revolution. He lived in Western Europe, where, despite relative poverty, he developed
"Leninism" a kind of urban Marxism adapted to agrarian Russia, reversing Karl Marx’s the economics–politics prescription, to allow for a dynamic revolution
to be led by a vanguard party of professional revolutionaries.
At the start of 1917
Russia was ripe for revolution. The growing industrialization had overcrowded
the cities, working conditions were poor, food increasingly scarce. Also
the war (WW I) went badly. By the end of October 1916, Russia had lost
between 1,600,000 and 1,800,000 soldiers, with an additional 2,000,000
prisoners of war and 1,000,000 missing, all making up a total of nearly
These staggering losses played a definite role in the
mutinies that began to occur and reports of fraternizing with the enemy
started to circulate. Soldiers went hungry, lacked shoes, munitions, and
even weapons. Rampant discontent lowered morale, which was further
undermined by a series of military defeats. In February 1917 revolution
broke out , but without definite leadership and any formal plans. The
Russian people simply had enough of the existing system. Large numbers of
men and women were on strike, and the women stopped at any still-operating
factories to call on their workers to join them. The mobs marched through
the streets, with cries of "Bread!" and "Give us
bread!" By 25 February, virtually every industrial enterprise in had St
Petersburg been shut down, together with many commercial and service
enterprises. Students, white-collar workers and teachers joined the
workers in the streets and at public meetings. On the morning of the 27th,
workers in the streets, many of them now armed, were joined by soldiers,
sent in by the government to quell the riots. Many of these soldiers were
insurgents, however, and they joined the crowd and fired on the police, in
many cases little red ribbons tied to their bayonets. The outnumbered
police then proceeded to join the army and civilians in their rampage.
Thus, with this near-total disintegration of military power in the
capital, effective civil authority collapsed. Tsar Nicholas accepted
defeat at last and abdicated on 13 March. A minority of the Duma's
deputies declared themselves a Provisional
Government, chaired by Prince
Lvov, a moderate reformist, although leadership moved gradually to
Alexander Kerensky of the Social Revolutionary Party.
Lenin returned to Petrograd in April 1917, to assume
command of the Bolsheviks, calling for uncompromising opposition to the Provisional
18 June 1917.
With The 10 Capitalist Ministers -
All Power To The Soviets Of Workers', Soldiers', And Peasants' Deputies, and To The Socialist Ministers
- We Demand That Nicholas II Be Transferred To The Peter-Paul Fortress," read
the poster. On 18 June, the Provisional Government launched an attack against
Germany that failed miserably. Soon after, the government ordered soldiers to go
to the front, reneging on a promise. The soldiers refused to follow the new
orders. The sailors and soldiers, along with Petrograd workers, took to the streets in violent protest, calling for "all power to the Soviets."
On July 1st about 500,000 workers and soldiers in Petrograd demonstrated, again
demanding “all power to the soviets,” “down with the war,” and “down
with the ten capitalist ministers.” The revolt, however, failed.
4 July 1917.
In the aftermath, Lenin fled to Finland under threat of arrest while Trotsky, among other prominent Bolsheviks, was arrested.
Lenin returned on October by ship from New York, heavily financed through the Rothschild
financial empire, and with a group of well-trained revolutionaries.
In September and October 1917, there were strikes by the Moscow and Petrograd workers, the miners of the Donbas, the metalworkers of the Urals, the oil workers of Baku, the textile workers of the Central Industrial Region, and the railroad workers on 44 different railway lines. In these months alone more than a million workers took part in mass strike action. Workers established control over production and distribution in many factories and plants in a social revolution.By October 1917 there had been over four thousand peasant uprisings against landowners.
By October 1917 there had been over four thousand
peasant uprisings against landowners. The actual revolution on Oct. 25,
was little more than an amateur coup. It did not interfere with the
evening life of the city. The ministers in the Winter Palace dined on
soup, fish and artichokes and then ordered all the lights to be put out.
Meanwhile, the Bolshevik-manned battleship Aurora, moored on the Neva. The
ship was ordered to open fire on the Palace when a red light was shone
from the Peter and Paul Fortress. However, since the cruiser was fresh out
of the dockyards it had only blank ammunition on board. Anyway, the
fortress garrison could not find a red light but eventually a purple flare
was launched and the Aurora began to fire its blanks. The cadets at the
Palace opened fire with their machine guns but it was several minutes
before they realized that no bombs were falling. At 11 PM, the six-inch
guns of the Peter and Paul Fortress began to fire rounds at the 1500-room
Winter Palace. One shell missed by several hundred yards; another hit but
did little damage. Most shells fell into the Neva. Meanwhile, the
Ministers took naps. In a period of two hours, the Bolsheviks fired
thirty-five shells at the Winter Palace: only two shells found their mark
and according to Trotsky, did little more than "injure the
plaster." At 2 AM on October 26th, a friend called on the Justice
Minister Malyantovich to ask how he was. "Not bad. In cheerful
spirits," he replied. He lay back and tried to sleep but soon he
began to hear noises. The ministers grabbed their coats. A cadet rushed in
and asked "What are the orders of the government? To fight to the
last man?" Wearily, the ministers shouted back, "It's not
necessary. It's useless. No bloodshed!" Just then a mob of Bolsheviks
crowded into the room. One man stood at the front and shouted: "I
inform you, all you members of the Provisional Government, that you are
arrested. I am Antonov-Ovseenko, a representative of the Military
Revolutionary Committee." Petrograd had fallen to the Bolsheviks.
This ended the revolution that changed the world. The
bloody mess came later.
Russian Civil War 1917-1923
Russian Civil War was a multi-party war that occurred within the former Russian Empire, after the Russian provisional government collapsed, and the Soviets under the domination of the Bolshevik party assumed power, first in Petrograd (St. Petersburg) and then in other places.
Here unfolded the real color of the nature of empire that had bread both
the revolutionary doctrine and provided the financing for the revolution,
with the goal to destabilize and explode Russia from within - an age old
strategy of empire going back to Peloponnesian war. It worked again in
Russia. In the background of this revolution it was easy to find
The principal fighting occurred between the Bolshevik
often in temporary alliance with other leftist pro-revolutionary groups, against
the forces of the White Army, the loosely-allied anti-Bolshevik
forces. Many foreign armies also warred against the Red Army, notably the Allied
Forces, and many volunteer foreigners fought in both sides of the
Russian Civil War. Other nationalist and regional political groups also
participated in the war, including the Ukrainian
nationalist Green Army, the Ukrainian anarchist
Army and Black Guards, and warlords such as Ungern von Sternberg.
The results of the civil war were horrendous. Russia had been at war for seven years, during which time some 20,000,000 of its people had lost their lives. The civil war had taken an estimated 15,000,000 of them, including at least 1,000,000 soldiers of the Russian Red Army and more than 500,000 White soldiers who died in battle.
Semyonov alone killed 100,000 men, women and children in the regions where he held
authority. During the Red Terror, the Cheka carried out an estimated 250,000 summary executions of "enemies of the
people." Some 300,000 to 500,000 Cossacks were killed or deported during Decossackization, out of a population of around three
million. An estimated 100,000 Jews were killed in Ukraine, mostly by the White
Army. Punitive organizations of the "All Great Don Host" sentenced 25,000 people to death between May 1918 to January
1919. Kolchak's Government shot 25,000 people in Ekaterinburg province
At the end of the Civil War, the Russia was exhausted and near ruin. The droughts of 1920 and 1921, as well as the 1921 famine, worsened the disaster still further. Disease had reached pandemic proportions, with 3,000,000 dying of typhus alone in 1920. Millions more were also killed by widespread starvation, wholesale massacres by both sides, and pogroms against Jews in Ukraine and southern Russia. By 1922 there were at least 7,000,000 street children in Russia as a result of nearly a decade of devastation from World War I and the civil
Two million people, known as the White emigres, fled Russia — many with General Wrangel, some through the Far East, others fled west into the newly independent Baltic countries. These émigrés included a large part of the educated and skilled population of Russia.
The Russian economy was devastated by the war, with factories and bridges destroyed, cattle and raw materials pillaged, mines flooded, and machines damaged. The industrial production value descended to one seventh of the value of 1913, and agriculture to one third. According to Pravda, "The workers of the towns and some of the villages choke in the throes of hunger. The railways barely crawl. The houses are crumbling. The towns are full of refuse. Epidemics spread and death strikes -- industry is
ruined." (See: The
Russian Civil War)
Only one force in the entire cacophony of madness had
realized its goal, the force that had started it all in the first place,
the psychological warfare force of the masters of empire. But even it,
didn't really win, because Lenin, one of the trained stooges of the
lot had so well embraced the empire ideology of world-domination that he
had developed plans of his own for what he felt was an inevitable
communist world-revolution erupting around the world.
No doubt the revolutionary years in Russia were years
of great debates, complete with orchestrated counter-ideologies, with
countless hopes kindled and countless hopes destroyed along the way. It is
doubtful, however, that anything of real substance was debated, since the ideological
front was too tightly controlled almost from the start, with too many
self-interests playing their own game. This is also why the revolution
succeeded. Nobody had a viable plan for advancing the economic well-being
that had any hope of succeeding in real physical economic terms. Nobody
had a renaissance plan and a plan for the economic development of the
nation. When Lenin returned to Russia for the October Revolution, the
country was dying. The provision government didn't have the faintest idea
of how to reverse the crisis. Lenin commented later that power was
literally laying on the street. He picked it up and ran with it. But he
too didn't have the intellectual depth to create a renaissance revolution.
Creating an armed revolution is dangerous social quackery. Most of the
revolutionaries who cried, "Power to the people" didn't know
what to do with it once they had it. Few people, if any, did not realize
that a revolution can only succeed when it begins at a higher level than
that on which the problems are located that it aims to cure. This
fundamental principle is even now but faintly understood and by far too
The tragedy of society is rooted in that it fails to
uplift itself. This is why empires rule and armed uprisings happen, and
huge suffering follows to the point that entire countries collapse. Russia
is a painful example that one cannot build a nation on the sword. The
sword may gain access to power, but civilization cannot be build on it.
The sword that one sows is the sword that one reaps. Civilization can only
be build on the renaissance principle, and for this to be possible this
principle has to be at the root from the start. Russia realized this far
too late when it finally laid aside the sword for the tool, and this only hesitantly,
while it never really embraced the renaissance principle, the only
principle for civilization that exists. For this lack Russia remains a
country divided against itself, looking in all directions except the one
that can give it peace and prosperity.
Of the repertoire of classical music that I know,
one work stands out that illustrates this multifaceted struggle that
Russia went through, and is still going through, and which is the default
state when the escape
of society to higher levels of perception, out of a collapsing environment, is
not possible. This work is Carmina Burana, a scenic cantata
composed by Carl Orff between 1935 and 1936. It is based on 24 of the poems that
are found in the medieval
collection Carmina Burana, from a time before the principle of renaissance had
ruled in Europe. It is a choral peace of multifaceted dialog of
contrasting themes, performed with two
pianos and two violins. It contains no rousing or diabolical message, or any message
whatsoever. In this it is a paradox, in as much as is a revolution without
a higher-level footing a paradox, by embracing the cause it aims to cure. This
paradox makes the music
valuable in the context of the dynamics of politics and revolution.
on the link above to play - right-click to download
here for more details for the music
to source -
only alternative that exists to chaotic revolution is the
universal-principles oriented revolution that unfolds into a humanist
renaissance. And the potential for this revolution to happen is as
relevant today as it has ever been.
The Renaissance Principle isn't profound, because it is
Rembrandt - The Girl in a
Picture Frame, 1641
It is profound, because it reflects the human Soul.
The Renaissance Principle reflects its beauty
and all the colors of the common strength, and power, and aims of man. Let me
present a peace of music that reflects this principle, which is singular but has
countless expressions. Here is one expression. Allow me to present Beethoven's Appassionato
on the link above to play - right-click to download
here for more details for the music
by Rachel Jiménez - pianist
(more samples available)
song of the human soul has had a long expression in American history.
Though much of this has been lost sight of, its essence remains valid
today as a profound example for our modern time.